Saturday, December 15, 2018
'The idea of anti-sexism has hardly scratched the surface of the popular male imagination\r'
'The usual forecast of handss room anti-sexism is that it centres around custody who find it personally strategic to challenge the pressure to conform to a ââ¬Ëmacho image plus a flockful of politically aw ar hands missing to assist on what atomic number 18 get windn as feminist bring ons. In circumstance all man giving it serious purpose provide scrape up to see internal violence, rape, apportion of their children and such a identical(p) as being manpowers room room issues. However, the fairish man ordain not be worn-out into handss groups by these issues, and allow for tend to see handss anti-sexism as a exploit without a cause.\r\nBut I believe its a movement which has remained marginal by failing to acknowledge its biggest cause. mens groups tend to look for a personal solution to the contradictions their members face â⬠THEY are the problem, they moldiness inter multifariousness. This seems to be unrelated to the impersonal world of politics an d the hard realities of jobs, pay, take to the woodsings hours and conditions, etc. But this is exactly the area where anti-sexism could stimulate its greatest impact. Because, in spite of the effects of gigantic unemployment, diminutive has changed mens heads about fail.\r\nThe classic conniption of man-as-incomplete-person that mens groups invoke â⬠emotionally retarded, distant from his children, bump-enterprise(a) at contrive and dominant at sept â⬠describes a man well moulded to the dole outer world. The stereotyped male value closely match the qualities delectable in competitive work. Despite the ââ¬Ëpersonal politics of a few men, the nature of work itself has not changed and continues to strengthen the same traditional male determine. But in that location are now women operative successfully in most professions â⬠so why should male values continue to dominate? It is because of the strict division in the midst of full-time and single-valued f unctiontime work.\r\nIts in full-time work in the studyity of occupations that men and traditional values prevail â⬠women in these jobs work on mens terms. Part-time work on the other hand is clearly the province of women â⬠over 90% of temporaryrs in Britain is female. In fact, much of the recent maturation in womens employment has been in the part-time sphere of influence. So what are the differences in these deuce areas of work? Full-time jobs are valued more highly, often paying a ââ¬Ëfamily wage, and require the specialisation of skills and continued commitment that would chastity the title ââ¬Ëcareer (though the principle is the same from bricklaying to brain surgery).\r\nThis continuity is very important â⬠women (in Britain) are permitted usually only(prenominal)(prenominal) a token break for maternity and men generally none for paternity. Outside this career world, thither is both unpaid domestic work, including childcare, and formal part-time work â⬠with pay, conditons, prospects and job interest generally worsened than full-time work. There are twain results of this wave-particle duality of working situations. Firstly, because of womens un neutralizeable involvement in compassionate for their babies, career work favours men.\r\nFull-time work has changed little to accommodate the increasing number of women in it, who be possessed of to accept the limitations imposed by men such as avoiding children or delegating their care to the domestic/part-time sector. Secondly, the domestic and part-time workforce is not only stintingally inferior to the career sector but actually services its interests and sustains it. This relationship is the simulation for exploitation of both capitalist and patriarchal nature. So, women having children must be free from work from late pregnancy until the baby is weaned at the very least(prenominal).\r\nAs men are generally not permitted any reasonable paternity leave alone it is necessari ly the bugger off who continues to look after the child at least until school age (unless the evokes are willing and financially able to pay someone else to do so). If these considerations did not upkeep the woman out of full-time work in the first place, they are presumable to do so for some years at this stage, in particular since this whole situation increases the likelihood that the father will be earning more than her at this financially lively time.\r\nWhile this rigid division of work survives, therefore, women wanting children will be disadvantaged in full-time work, and many women having children will have to accept the limitations of part-time work. Men, if they are able to get full-time work, will almost al expressions take this in penchant to part-time work â⬠and when they become fathers are likely to be under financial pressure to keep their full-time job, at the expense of their involvement with their children. few European men, notably in Belgium, have co me up with ideas that could break down the rigidity of this full-time/part-time division.\r\nThey have lobbied the European Parliament for the disposal in the EEC Constitution of what they call the bendable Work Right. This would be the legal right-hand(a) of anyone to conduct how many hours a week to work, being paid accordingly. It would be a move against the binding supremacy of full-time work and the undervaluing of part-time work, which would allow a balance of working and domestic life to character the priorities of individual men and women. In particular, parents would be free to share childcare and earning according to their own values.\r\nA practical shift in the diffusion of the tasks amongst the sexes would open the door to many other changes. If the accountability for financial support was no longer borne mainly by men this could undermine the damaging dip for manhood to be measured by economic success â⬠which is often won at the charge of being a second rate parent. And for women, work on these terms would mean not only an increase in real economic index finger and independence, but with this a greater participation in public and political life.\r\nAlso any overall reduction in average hours worked could help to get down unemployment in the right circumstances. So how might these ideas be realised in practice? Three possibilities for change are better render for job sharing, more flexibility of working hours (especially total hours worked) and better agnate leave allowances. As farthermost as good deal unions are concerned, defending the interests (primarily financial) of those in work comes in the lead freeing members to work less.\r\nSo small reductions in the working week, (which would probably serve mainly to increase overtime payments), take precession over genuine flexibility of hours and job-sharing provisions. Some forward-looking unions ARE pursuit better paternity leave â⬠most men take some time off whether it is officially available or not (94% in a recent Equal Opportunities Commission study). Better maternal leave entitlement would go some way toward the goals of this anti-sexist mens politics, especially since the right to flexible work will surely only be won in slow stages. And here the EEC is already vie a part.\r\nThe EEC Commission has issued a directive aiming to set minimum standards for enate leave in all member countries (three months for men and women during the childs first two years, in addition to maternity leave and at no extra cost to employers). Despite accordance of all other members, and within Britain support of the hold of Lords and the Equal Opportunities Commission, the British government has so far vetoed the passage of this Directive into Community law. So theres no doubt that some aspects of anti-sexist thinking are as political as they are personal.\r\nBut the anti-sexist tip on work doesnt end there. Poor working conditions and occupational safet y may be carry on by ideas of what is ââ¬Ëmanly. The notion that men who complain of dreadful conditions and danger are soft is sexist and encourages mistreatment of workers â⬠not to mention alienating and excluding women. The response to noise, pollution and obtuse lifting may be headaches, ulcers, heart disease and backache; kind-hearted conditions too are important â⬠if work is a hostile or authoritarian place men may take it out in drink or violence outside work. A humane workplace is essential for a humane world.\r\nThe goals of this ââ¬Ëmens politics in fact complement those of feminism despite their separate and apparently selfish motivation. This motivation is life-or-death since the issue of work as a major limitation in their lives is one with which many could identify. This idea â⬠men seeing themselves as ââ¬Ëwork objects â⬠paves the way for a wider view of anti-sexism, encompassing the aspects of personal change and ââ¬Ëfeminist causes important to mens groups now. It would suggest too, a tyrannical attitude of relating some of the less desirable harness of maleness to the situations which shaped them, rather than blaming them on maleness itself.\r\nIf men looked objectively at the unnecessary sacrifices they limit on the altar of work, anti-sexism would suddenly seem germane(predicate) to many more men than the few voluminous at present. (C) Five Cram POSTSCRIPT The high up article considers one interesting proposal for breakage down the male-dominated character of paid work. For example, as this issue went to press, a Bill introduced by the Labour MP Harry Cohen, which would introduce a statutory right to a period of parental care for parents of immature children, was due to receive a second discipline in the House of Commons.\r\nUnder this Bill, employees with children under two years old (five if the child is disabled or adopted) would be entitled to 13 weeks paid leave if both parents are in paid w ork, 26 weeks if he or she is a single parent and 4 weeks if the other parent is ineligible for parental leave, for example because of unemployment. The entitlement is not transferable between the parents. The object would be paid for by employers and the authorities. Under this Government â⬠and probably any currently realistic alternate(a) â⬠it is unlikely to become law. I think it is an important step forward, but how can we as men help it to happen?\r\nSchemes of this sort, although less generous, already exist in ten of the twelve EEC countries â⬠why not here? Even if employers, unions and the Government could be persuaded that this sort of parental leave provision is in their interests, there is a danger that it would divert assistance away from the need to extend workplace nurseries and local anesthetic authority childcare provision, and further privatise the provision of ââ¬Ëcare in our society. Another important issue is how, ââ¬Ëparental schemes like t his should be linked to more general ones like a Flexible Work Right.\r\nWhich should have higher priority, and what would their effects be on the level of unemployment? Finally, I doubt if such voluntary schemes would be plentiful to bring about major changes in the distribution of labour between the sexes. Particularly in multiplication of high unemployment and low wage increases, when the perceived priority of maximising the ââ¬Ëbreadwinners earnings is greatest, many men would not willingly reduce their hours worked. Schemes involving paid leave avoid this problem, but inevitably involve smaller changes in hours worked so as not to be prohibitively expensive.\r\nCompulsory schemes, such as legal limits on basic hours of work and overtime (to encourage men to invest more time and effort in the home) would probably also be needed, but care would be needed to avoid reducing low-paid workers earnings oven further. But, to end on a positive note, it is true up that there is a l ong-term trend towards fewer hours spent in paid employment by each male worker â⬠the average has travel by over one third in the last 100 years. Lets hope it continues and that employed men make good use of the growing part of their lives spent outside paid jobs.\r\n'
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